The standard definition of the ‘noble lie’, a concept originated by
Plato in his ‘Republic’ published in 375 BC, is a myth or untruth purposefully
and knowingly propagated by the ruling class to maintain social harmony or to
advance an agenda. Home Affairs Minister Aaron Motsoaledi is a master of it.
Lies told by politicians in South Africa tend to be believed or dissed,
but alas, hardly ever scrutinised to find their hidden meaning.
Often, these political narratives become the pretext for paradigmatic
ideological change and new legislation. South Africa’s immigration and
citizenship systems are about to change fundamentally. No formal announcements
have been made. No official press releases have been circulated. But Home
Affairs Minister Dr Pakishe Aaron Motsoaledi has been making some strange and
interesting statements in the national media recently that may well be strands
of the growing noise of change.
The Public Protector’s investigative report on then home affairs
minister Malusi Gigaba’s granting of citizenship to some of the Gupta family
members was published on 7 February 2021. Immediately thereafter, Motsoaledi
was interviewed by Jane Dutton on eNCA.
Motsoaledi indicated that South Africa’s immigration system, especially
permanent residence, will be reviewed because it is just a step away from
citizenship. The nexus between immigration and citizenship and the need to
sever it was first articulated in the White Paper on International Migration
adopted by the Zuma Cabinet in 2017. The white paper formulates the policy
principle as follows:
“There should be no automatic progression from residency to citizenship
in law or in practice. That is, the process of granting residency (short term
and long term) and citizenship will be delinked. A points-based system will be
used to determine whether the applicant will qualify for a short-term or a
long-term residence visa. However, the number of years spent in the country
will not qualify a person to apply for naturalisation. The process of granting
residence and citizenship status should allow strategic and security
considerations and the national priorities of South Africa to be taken into
account.”
So, the white paper argues, permanent residence and citizenship must be
delinked, and this would occur through the replacement of permanent residence
status with a long-term temporary visa. In this way, foreigners, who are
sometimes a source of organised crime, will be more carefully managed and South
Africa’s borders and sovereignty will be more effectively
safeguarded.
The notion that foreigners are a burden to our society and a source of
crime has been espoused on numerous occasions by Motsoaledi. In a Human
Rights Watch article published in 2020 on xenophobic violence, Motsoaledi
was quoted as saying that most foreigners are not here as migrants but as
criminals and that is why they remain undocumented.
In 2018 when Motsoaledi was health minister, he suggested that foreign
nationals were behind the overcrowding of South Africa’s public health system.
The executive director of Amnesty International South Africa, Shenilla Mohamed,
worriedly responded he should “stop this shameless scapegoating of refugees and
migrants” and should “stop fuelling xenophobia with these unfounded
remarks”.
Nothing was made of Motsoaledi’s outing by these international human
rights watchdogs for his prejudice against foreigners, other than to have him
appointed home affairs minister. The irony in this appointment was never the
subject of any real contention. Motsoaledi was a minister in both of Zuma’s
Cabinets and was obviously a participant in the ideological discussions around
the white paper and its doctrinal stance on refugees and migrants and the need
for radical immigration policy interventions which it purports to contain. His
disposition is hardly surprising.
In the Dutton interview, Motsoaledi said that he had already decided
that the separate Immigration, Citizenship and Refugees Acts are causing
serious problems and havoc in South Africa’s courts and therefore they should
be combined into a single act of legislation. This, he says, has been
accomplished by quite a number of democracies.
This is an astounding revelation. Actually, no such mischief has been
caused by these three separate pieces of legislation. Motsoaledi purposefully
uses the word havoc to describe an untenable (non-existent) conflict
wrought by the separation of these acts in order to discredit the existing
legal order. Our courts have not entertained any such conflagrations. Rather,
the deluge of litigation in our courts in this context relates mostly to the
advanced dysfunction of the Department of Home Affairs in its administration of
those acts. This is a classic noble lie, designed to sow discord with the
existing paradigm, loosening its roots and eventually unplugging it.
The problem confronting Motsoaledi is how he is to deal on the public record
with the fact that far too many senior officials responsible for the
administration of Home Affairs’ functions are corrupt and that their
machinations were responsible for the granting of citizenship to the Guptas.
As for democracies that have combined immigration, citizenship, and
refugee affairs into a single legislative instrument, they exclude Austria,
Canada, Brazil, Germany, France, Belgium, Switzerland, Italy, Japan, Spain,
Netherlands, United Kingdom, New Zealand, Australia, and the US. The reason
these democracies have not sought to do so is that they cover separate areas of
policies, each administered by different bureaucratic levers, which cannot be
combined on a practical level. Those democracies have sought to keep these
areas separate to prevent the sort of havoc Motsoaledi speciously ascribes to
South Africa’s present legislative architecture.
Again, this idea of combining our three acts of Parliament to bring a
stop to a fictitious havoc is another lie, but a useful one. Motsoaledi attempts
to stem the flow of unbridled blame and finger-pointing of civil society and
our apex courts at Home Affairs into a different direction: that the way
Parliament has chosen to legislate in these areas of immigration, citizenship
and refugees since at least 1949 is discordant with international best
practice, disharmonious, and should thus be replaced with a new ideological
paradigm for dealing with foreign nationals.
Dutton asked Motsoaledi how the new system will protect people who want
permanent residence or citizenship. He responded that his new system will
protect, not individuals, but the law and procedures, and the “the integrity
and the sovereignty of our country”. He then added that corruption has led us
to this point. But the minister’s utterances, while sounding intellectually and
politically so profound, are false flags.
The Public Protector’s report concluded that Home Affairs officials
misled Gigaba with their flawed submissions to support the granting of
citizenship by early naturalisation in terms of Section 5(9)(b) of the
Citizenship Act to Ajay Gupta and family members. Those officials included the
then director-general, the deputy director-general, and a chief director, but
their culpability did not inquinate the minister.
Motsoaledi’s suggestion that his new paradigm will protect the integrity
of the law and South Africa’s sovereignty, not individuals, turns out to be
nothing more than an irrational mumble of words. Law is not an automaton making
independent decisions, decoupled from human actors, as if it existed in some
imagined levitating bubble. Officials of the public administration, subject to
those values contained in Section 195(1) of the Constitution, are empowered by
legislation to carry out various functions. This is how legal systems work in
every constitutional democracy, no less Home Affairs within our Bill of
Rights.
The problem confronting Motsoaledi is how he is to deal on the public
record with the fact that far too many senior officials responsible for the
administration of Home Affairs’ functions are corrupt and that their
machinations were responsible for the granting of citizenship to the Guptas.
The wholesale resignation, suspension and arrest of senior Home Affairs
officials for corruption continues unabated. The truth is that nothing
Motsoaledi and his policy advisers will do in the rewriting of the legislative
script could ever erase the risk of administrative malfeasance and moral
pollution which has for so long punctuated Home Affairs, and other government departments.
There is one more question Motsoaledi should answer: how will his new
system of regulating the influx and status of foreigners be safeguarded against
himself, as the propagator of the noble lies of Home Affairs’ ideological
revolution?
www.samigration