SA Visa /Citizenship

SA Visa /Citizenship

SA Migration | 28 Dec 2022


Citizenship Options

  •     South African Citizen by Descent
  •     South African Citizen by Naturalisation:
  •     Automatic loss of Citizenship
  •     Resumption of South African citizenship
  •     Deprivation of Citizenship
  •     Resumption of South African citizenship
  •     Acquisition of the citizenship or nationality of another country


South African Citizen by Descent:

Anybody who was born outside of South Africa to a South African citizen. His or her birth has to be registered in line with the births and deaths registration act 51 of 1992.


South African Citizen by Naturalisation:

Permanent Resident holders of 5 or more years can apply for citizenship. Anybody married to a South African citizen qualifies for naturalisation, two years after receiving his or her permanent residence at the time of marriage. A child under 21 who has permanent residence Visa qualifies for naturalization immediately after the Visa is issued.


Automatic loss of Citizenship.

This occurs when a South African citizen:

  • Obtains citizenship of another country by a voluntary and formal act, other than marriage, or;
  • Serves in the armed forces of another country, where he or she is also a citizen, while is at war with South Africa.


Deprivation of Citizenship:

A South African citizen by naturalization can be deprived of his citizenship if;

  • The certificate of naturalisation was obtained fraudulently or false information was supplied.
  • He or she holds the citizenship of another country and has, at any time, been sentenced to 12 months imprisonment in any country for an offence that also would have been an offence in South Africa.

Judgment ensures kids are at school - documented or not

Judgment ensures kids are at school - documented or not

African News Agency (ANA) | 28 December 2022

Pretoria - Come Wednesday when the country’s schools open for the 2020 academic year, no school may turn a pupil away - local or foreign - if they do not have IDs, permits or passports.

This is after a judgment delivered on December 12 by the high court in Grahamstown in which it declared the admission policy of the Department of Basic Education unconstitutional where it barred undocumented children - both South African and non-national children - from attending school because they were undocumented.

The judge president of that division, Judge Selby Mbenenge, ruled that the department acted unconstitutionally in not permitting children to continue receiving education in public schools, purely because they lacked ID documents.

While the judgment was sparked by an application launched on behalf of undocumented pupils in the Eastern Cape, the Centre for Child Law, which challenged the provisions barring these children from the education system, said the order, in no uncertain terms, prevents the removal or exclusion from schools of children by reason that they do not have identity document numbers, permits or passports.

In his ruling, Judge Mbenenge ordered that the schools in the Eastern Cape, which barred these undocumented children because they could not provide a birth certificate, had to accept an alternative form of identification.

This may include an affidavit or a sworn statement from the parents or guardians in which the pupil is fully identified.

The Centre for Child Law last month said this monumental finding had positive implications for the rights of thousands of undocumented children across South Africa.

It said that this judgment affected both South African children as well as non-national children.

The judgment noted the importance of education and it quoted the Constitutional Court where it held that “basic education is an important socio-economic right directed, among others, at promoting and developing a child’s personality, talents and mental and physical abilities to his or her fullest potential”.

The judge said some of the affidavits handed to court by these children who were denied education by no fault of their own, unleashed a horrifying picture of their hardships.

Some described their embarrassment and depression due to the fact that other children their age who were in school could perform tasks which they could not.

It was earlier argued that almost one million children could be denied access to public schools unless they obtain birth certificates as a matter of urgency, which Home Affairs was unable to provide due to a host of reasons.

The Department of Basic Education said during the court hearing there were 998 433 undocumented children enrolled in public schools - many of whom were without birth certificates.

Of these children, the majority (880 968) are South African citizens.

They were mostly provisionally accepted in the past, provided that their parents or guardians could within 12 months provide a birth certificate to the school.

The court was told that due to the circumstances of many of these children, there was no end in sight for them to receive the relevant documents on time, or at all.

Many of these children have been abandoned and left with guardians or family members who struggled for several reasons to obtain these documents.

www.samigration.com

Dear Zimbabwe, it’s time for a brutal conversation about xenophobia in South Africa

Dear Zimbabwe, it’s time for a brutal conversation about xenophobia in South Africa

Daily Maverick – 28 December 2022 .

Maybe it is time that we, as Zimbabweans, remind ourselves that South Africa is treating us better than we ever treat(ed) immigrants.

I am a Zimbabwean, so this is difficult to write, and I stand to lose a lot. But I will do it anyway. 

Anti-immigrant sentiments, or simply xenophobia, are difficult to write about because nobody wants to speak candidly, and the few who do are often affected by emotions. 

Nobody wants to, nor can they, freely state that Zimbabwean immigrants in South Africa do not help their own cause. Saying this would likely be interpreted as support for violence and whip up a wave of cancellations. 

Similarly, very few people want to describe movements like Operation Dudula as what they are, largely because offending them could lead to escalation and ostracism from the locals. 

And the sentiment, expressed on Twitter and whispered in communities, appears to be that nobody wants to speak about the rampant problems believed to be caused by out-of-control migration into South Africa, such as drugs, murder and crime. In 2019, when xenophobic violence broke out, a popular artist, Sho Majozi, echoed this sentiment, saying foreigners are not completely innocent and nor are they completely responsible for crime. This is how it is.

A few days ago, my wife Boipelo Manyowa wrote an article for Daily Maverick expressing disapproval of xenophobic violence and crime in South Africa. It was a heartfelt piece that I believe was driven by her kind-hearted nature, her faith in humanity and her belief that Africans are stronger, together. 

Xenophobic tensions are very personal

My wife is a staunch pan-African, but I will leave it there because I avoid speaking on her behalf, because she can speak for herself, aptly.

However, at the centre of her thoughts is the critical issue of migration, which we must talk about. I will start by saying my heart goes out to people who have lost their lives and property in xenophobic attacks, and that violence of any nature is unfortunate, intolerable and unwelcome. 

I first wrote about xenophobia in 2015, in an open letter to President Mugabe. That piece got me in trouble with his government, but also exposed me to different views. While I had egged him on to find ways to remind South Africans of our role in their independence, and stability, and at our expense, I also learnt a few lessons. 

My work as a journalist often makes me an annoying character. Ethics demand that I listen to several sides before giving an opinion, including repulsive ones that make me sick. Yet I do this because the only way to understand people is to listen and look. I have also learnt since my 2015 days that nothing is ever black and white, nor is black or white. There is always a semblance of truth, even among destructive hatred.

It takes a brave man to speak or write against the grain. To that end, I applaud Boipelo for speaking out against her own country and its people, risking ostracism in the process, and doing it for “people who have been very unkind” to her. 

I too must be brave and share a few thoughts in response to her article. 

I largely agree with everything she says – that people should be equal before the law, that violence is wrong. But I have other perspectives that I believe belong in this dialogue.

Zimbabwe is not an ‘innocent’ country when it comes to xenophobia

When Zimbabwe first achieved independence in 1980, it really was heaven on Earth. Its currency was strong and the country was self-sufficient. Malawians, Zambians and South Africans flocked to Zimbabwe to work as roadside vendors and in mines, to take advantage of the education system, as well as flee from the racist apartheid government. 

But Zimbabwe and its government at the time were hostile. Malawians and Zambians were called MaBwidi, a derogatory term that describes foreigners as halfwits. The government conducted raid after raid in townships, often asking people to repeat local street lingo – fully aware that Malawian folk would do so with a hilarious accent. 

Those who failed were bundled into trucks and deported. Those who remained were made half citizens by the government. 

At that time, naturalised Zimbabweans from Malawi and Zambia were not allowed to vote, and their identity documents were engraved with a huge capital “A”, designating them as “Aliens”. This practice remained up until Robert Mugabe was removed from power. 

But, at the same time, Mozambique was engaged in a brutal civil war and a number of Mozambicans, many of whom speak Zimbabwe’s main language, Shona, crossed into the country seeking refuge. The government rounded them up and put them in refugee camps, while several others were sent back, by force, to Mozambique, where they were executed by rebel forces. 

To this day, in and around the township, derogatory jokes about Malawians, Zambians and Mozambicans are exchanged at barbecues. 

How we, as Zimbabweans, treated other Africans at the time was wrong, and it must not escape history or dialogue.

South Africa treats refugees better than any other African country

Over the years, as conflict has ravaged Africa, many people have fled their homes in Congo, Somalia, Ethiopia, the Central African Republic, Burundi and other countries. Those who found their way to Zimbabwe were put in refugee camps, where they remain to this day. Countries like Malawi, Uganda and Zambia also have refugee camps for asylum seekers. 

Now, I mention this because, when millions of Zimbabweans rightly fled the violence in 2008, the South African government responded by giving them special permits and allowed those who didn’t apply to integrate with communities. 

In Malawi, as we speak, the government is calling on all refugees who left camps and integrated with communities to return to the camps or face action. Zimbabwe keeps refugees in camps, while Kenya wants to close its camps and send refugees back to conflict zones

South Africa is not driving foreigners into camps, but nobody wants to talk about this. And ignoring such gestures of goodwill upsets and offends a country that has been very hospitable to refugees, economic or otherwise. 

One would struggle to find a country today that allows millions of people to simply show up and integrate into communities. To that end, South Africa is a haven for refugees from all walks of life. 

At the same time, we cannot escape the reality that illegal immigrants commit crime in South Africa. People avoid talking about it, but the stats are there. In 2017, there were 11,842 foreigners in South African prisons, 918 for murder and 454 for rape.

One story has stuck with me for years. On 17 October 2005, newlyweds Siphokazi and Sizwe Tyeke and their friends Jabu Mbatha and Zukisa Kela took a stroll in the park. As they enjoyed their late afternoon, a gang of eight Zimbabwean men ambushed them. They stripped the husbands naked and raped their wives while they watched. After that, they threw them into a pond and laughed as they drowned. 

Thabo Nkala, Edmore Ndlovu and Mduduzi Mathibela, all from Zimbabwe, were jailed for the rapes and murder. However, the other five suspects fled back to Zimbabwe and have not been brought to trial.

This is just one story. As of 2017, there were 918 other stories. Before that, in 2011, 67.5% of foreign inmates came from Zimbabwe and Mozambique. 

We also cannot escape that Nigerian syndicates commit fraud and deal in drugs in South Africa. And there is strong local sentiment that Zimbabwean vendors and Asian shopkeepers are driving local South Africans out of business in townships. The sentiment is strong enough that Gauteng’s government in 2020 proposed a law to reserve certain sectors and sub-sectors for South Africans

The problem has been that these sentiments get swallowed in conversations about xenophobia and, as Sho Majozi wrote nearly three years ago, this will frustrate those who are protesting and lead to more violence.

We, as Zimbabweans, must reflect

As of 2020, South Africa had 790 citizens in foreign prisons, mostly for drug-related offences. This is five times less than foreigners who were in South African jails 11 years ago.  

Crime is not a competition, and I don’t want to go deeper into what each nationality is accused of doing in South Africa, but I do want to offer one observation: there are many immigrants in South Africa, from several countries, but most anti-immigrant groups have problems with Zimbabweans. That should be telling. 

I wrote before on Facebook that Zimbabweans need to reflect. We really do. Everywhere we go, people complain about how we behave. Instead of attacking South Africans for their sentiments, we must understand them, or what is leading to them.

Malawians, Zambians, Burundians and the like do not take as much heat as we do. That calls on us to reflect and call each other out. And we must start by accepting that no matter how bad things are in South Africa now, we treated foreigners worse than we are being treated. 

We must accept that our behaviour in foreign countries is intolerable. For example, we have 12 prisoners from Botswana in Zimbabwe, yet Botswana has 400 prisoners from Zimbabwe. This cannot continue.

Namibia has an issue with Zimbabweans. Botswana has an issue with Zimbabweans. Zambia recently developed an issue with Zimbabweans. South Africa has an issue with Zimbabweans. And the UK is deporting Zimbabweans en masse. They can’t all be wrong about what we are doing out there. And we can’t keep attacking South Africans without calling each other out. 

As I said, I am appalled by the murders and violent attacks in South Africa. But maybe it is time that we, as Zimbabweans, also look in the mirror and remind ourselves that South Africa is treating us better than we ever treat(ed) immigrants, and that our conduct in their country leaves a lot to be desired. 

www.samigration.com

Visa renewal victory for asylum seekers

Visa renewal victory for asylum seekers

IOL – 28 Dec 2022

Cape Town – A Western Cape High Court judgment will come as a relief to many asylum seekers who have been unable to renew their visas for valid reasons.

A ruling handed down by Judge Elizabeth Baartman on Monday will give them an opportunity to do so without the fear of being treated as an illegal foreigner and returned home, law firm Norton Rose Fulbright Inc said in a statement on Tuesday.

Home Affairs has been interdicted from implementing certain provisions of the Refugees Act and new regulations (both implemented on 1 January 2020), which sought to return asylum seekers back to their home country, where they could face detention without trial, rape, torture or death, simply for being a month late in renewing a visa.

The Scalabrini Centre of Cape Town, represented on a pro bono basis by Norton Rose Fulbright and advocates David Simonsz and Nomonde Nyembe, sought to prevent the short- and long-term operation of the abandonment provisions, as the provisions infringed on asylum seekers’ rights to life, freedom and security of person, dignity and equality; and prevented South Africa from fulfilling its international law obligations towards refugees, including the international law principle of non-refoulement. The suspended provisions are commonly referred to as the ’’abandonment provisions’’.

The suspension will operate until the constitutional attack against the impugned provisions has been adjudicated on by the Western Cape High Court and, to the extent necessary, confirmed by the Constitutional Court.

’’The abandonment provisions meant that in the event that an asylum seeker fails to renew their asylum visa timeously, their applications for asylum are deemed abandoned. Arrest and deportation would follow for individuals with valid and undecided claims for asylum. Only where an asylum seeker has a compelling reason (and proof thereof) for delaying to renew a permit following a lapse (such as hospitalisation or imprisonment), can the Department of Home Affairs pardon the late renewal.

’’This is deeply problematic as it means that refugees can be returned to face persecution, without ever having the substantive merits of their asylum application determined.

’’It also leaves asylum seekers vulnerable in South Africa as essentially undocumented foreigners who will struggle to access health care, employment and education while they await the decision of whether their reason for late renewal meets the Department of Home Affairs high threshold,’’ Norton Rose Fulbright Inc said in a statement.

’’The reality for asylum seekers is that they are frequently required to renew their asylum visas. In the renewal process, they experience extraordinary delays caused by the administrative failures of the Department of Home Affairs.

’’These are often exacerbated by socio-economic factors such as not having the means to travel to far away Refugee Reception Offices as frequently as is required, waiting in long queues at the Refugee Reception Offices, facing corruption from officials who refuse to renew visas without bribes, or the general inefficiency of the Refugee Reception Offices that are overworked but understaffed. In light of these realities, many asylum seekers fail to renew their visas for valid reasons.

’’Judge Baartman delivered a powerful judgment, emphasising that the case does not involve imaginary victims – the suspended abandonment provisions affect real asylum seekers who could face serious human rights violations should the provisions continue to operate. She criticised the department’s conduct in the case, which was characterised as regrettable and unhelpful.

’’This includes many asylum seekers who may have been prevented from renewing their asylum documents prior to the pausing of services at Refugee Reception Offices during the national lockdown – a pause which is set to remain in effect until at least 31 January, 2021.

’’Scalabrini Centre, represented by Norton Rose Fulbright, firmly believes the abandonment provisions are unconstitutional and persists in a challenge to this effect.’’

www.samigration.com

Serbia Introduces Visas for Nationals of India & Guinea-Bissau From January 1, 2023

Serbia Introduces Visas for Nationals of India & Guinea-Bissau From January 1, 2023

Schengen info | 27 December 2022

Citizens of India and Guinea-Bissau will no longer be able to visit Serbia without applying for a visa, as the country has introduced a visa regime for these citizens, in an effort to align with the EU visa policy.

According to a travel advisory, Indian nationals who intend to enter Serbia on or after January 1, 2023, should initially apply for a visa at the Embassy of Serbia in New Delhi or in their country of residence, SchengenVisaInfo.com reports.

The measure has been introduced in an attempt to align its visa policies with the EU and prevent illegal migration, which in recent years has been quite common. As of January 1, 2023, Indian citizens travelling to Serbia have to apply for a visa, as Serbia has withdrawn the existing arrangement of visa-free entry to those holding an Indian passport.

Prior to these changes, Indian travellers holding a passport or other travel documents were not required to apply for a visa in order to enter Serbia for up to 30 days within a period of one year.

“Also, it may be noted that holders of Indian passports having a valid Schengen, UK visa, or visa of the United States of America, or residence permit of these countries may enter visa-free to the Republic of Serbia up to 90 days during a six-month period, and within the validity of said visas or residence permits,” the statement by the Embassy noted.

In addition to India and Guinea Bissau, Serbia ended its visa-free regime with Tunisia and Burundi under the same claims that aim at reducing illegal migration.

Serbia has experienced a surge in the number of refugees from different countries, especially Cubans, as the numbers went from 36 to 339. However, the surge noticed in Turk arrivals beats all other numbers – from 1,653 to 6,186, which alarmed both Serbia and the European Union.

Moreover, arrivals from India soared during this time, from 557 to 4,469, which indicated that the authorities had to take some action to prevent the country from becoming a migration gate.

Türkiye, India, Tunisia, Cuba and Burundi represented 2.5 per cent of illegal border crossings recorded throughout 2021 on the Western Balkan Route, which recorded a 20 per cent increase this year.

Currently, Serbia has a visa waiver agreement with Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bahrain, Bolivia, China, Cuba, Indonesia, Jamaica, Kyrgyzstan, Kuwait, Kazakhstan, Oman, Mongolia, Qatar, Suriname and Türkiye. In addition, Russian and Belarusian citizens can visit Serbia without a visa for a period of up to 30 days.

Frontex, the European Border and Coast Guard Agency has revealed that 61 per cent of 36,500 border crossings reported in October of 2021, which total to 22,300 detections,  were recorded in the Western Balkan route, which has been the most affected route in the last three months. The countries of origin for the majority of arrivals were Burundi, Afghanistan and Iraq, as Frontex points out.

In addition, the Western Balkan route has registered the highest number of illegal border crossings since 2015 when the migration crisis reached its peak.

www.samigration.com