The way we observe the GNU is through assessing what the members do as public figures performing tasks – we need to look at what they do, whether or not it contributes technocratically and socially to the resolution of the multiple crises that beset South Africa.

The public standing of the Government of National Unity (GNU) does not appear to depend thus far on political statements or actions, but mainly on functionality, keeping the wheels of government operating smoothly without the multiple crises that beset ANC-led governments in recent years and continue at provincial and local levels, with one or other combination of minority forces.

There are very few attempts at replicating the national GNU at provincial or local levels.

We need to define the space occupied by the GNU and the way it may be inhabited, given the various constraints and opportunities. In some ways the establishment of a GNU was one of few options in the period of crisis (that may also have been an emerging opportunity).

This was in the period following the elections where the ANC lost its majority and the DA was nearly 20% behind the ANC’s 40% tally, with 21.81% and 40.18% of the votes respectively.

Alternatives to GNU?

For parties to exist as elected representatives without any party holding a majority, there were few possible ways of addressing the situation. Some of these forms of minority government have been tried in South Africa and have led to and still do lead to ignominious disasters at a local level, (as with continuing instability in Gauteng and Nelson Mandela Bay metros). 

The examples from other states – mainly in Western Europe – do not seem viable in our case, where every party has a limited support base and where deep animosities divide parties from one another.

We then need to ask: what type of politics is possible for the chosen option, for the GNU to function efficiently and effectively? 

My sense is that in the present case there need to be very limited conflictual statements – between parties – in the combination that was adopted for the GNU to survive as a viable political arrangement.

Depoliticised

The way we observe the GNU is through assessing what the members do as public figures performing tasks, that is more depoliticised than is usually the case, at least in the relationship between the leading parties, the ANC and DA. But we need to look at what they do, whether or not it contributes technocratically and socially to the resolution of the multiple crises that beset South Africa.

What Dr Leon Schreiber has achieved in Home Affairs clearing backlogs and engaging afresh on programmes he inherited, especially digitisation, is through efficient performing of tasks that may, nevertheless, be controversial and open to different interpretations.

The notion of Home Affairs @home – that there will be no need to visit a Home Affairs office – cannot be a reality for most South Africans who do not have internet accessibility or capabilities. They remain reliant on Home Affairs offices that generally remain understaffed and unable to address document assessment or delivery swiftly.

It is receiving attention and Schreiber is aware that his Home Affairs @home option will require a lot of work to get off the ground and make it accessible and reliable.

There are other ministries that may be studied, but the object of this article is a broader assessment of the changing challenges of the GNU.

Professionalism

The professionalism manifested in Dr Schreiber’s actions and statements of his methodology is an important issue. We have not had a professional public service and that may be more likely to be remedied by politicians who may now be relating more professionally and technocratically than politically.

In this sense we need to be clear that the professionalism that politicians may develop ought not to infringe on the territory of the civil service, who need to be able to perform their tasks by making and implementing decisions within their area of competence, without interference by their political heads in their core business as public servants.

Space for the political

But there has to be some space for the political. It is unclear where that is, except that de facto the GNU does not operate with much political debate. The ANC was already depoliticised compared with earlier times when there were many issues subjected to rigorous debates. Now there is little debate between the ANC and DA, except in crises.

Some of those in the GNU Cabinet are neither political thinkers – if they ever were – nor competent, as in being able to address and solve problems that ensure that state institutions function and perform their roles. This depoliticisation may be true of most or many of the other parties.

It may sound cynical, but it may well be true to say that many thank their lucky stars that they are Cabinet ministers and will try to sense how to remain there by not “rocking the boat”. It is not shocking to suggest they are lucky to be there because many have earned a minimal percentage of the vote and do not strike one as contributing to the direction of the GNU.

The GNU is depoliticised, but the professionalisation is also very limited – there are many passengers on the side of the ANC who have never contributed much to political life or the efficacy of state institutions.

Furthermore, the huge and very expensive Cabinet, its size supposedly to suggest representativity, serves no purpose. The rationale is vacuous insofar as most represent under 5%, sometimes one or less than 1%. Many of these have a minuscule political base and also no known expertise.

Conditions supposedly needed for coalitions to succeed

Much of the writing on the success of coalitions refers to the need for a common view on this, that and the other matter, or on basic principles. In our case it is said, for a coalition to be successful, there must be a sharing of values, sharing of ideas, common perspectives on the way forward, and similar qualities.

In the case of the GNU, it would not be possible to sustain it if one were to demand a common position between parties, especially the DA and the ANC regarding values and in regard to the way forward beyond the immediate, urgent issues, which are basically practical questions of provision of water, transport, addressing climate change and so forth, on which – even – with these it may not be possible to reach agreement.

The Statement of Intent as an opening towards a more emancipatory GNU process and liberatory goals

When I first wrote on the GNU I argued that it may be constituted in one or other way and the Statement of Intent and other GNU documents are not necessarily the last word on various topics. Popular forces, professionals and other sectors of society, especially from the “underclass” organisations with various strengths and weaknesses need to engage with these documents and argue for a meaning that is emancipatory.

The same words can be invoked or they can be augmented in the spirit of the freedom that the Statement of Intent claims to advance.

The meaning of any word or phrase or sentence of a document is never finalised merely by being written down, and that is as true of the Statement of Intent and other documents. Those who are concerned about poverty or unemployment or wages need to advance these in the context of the Statement of Intent (as just one place of engagement, I appreciate).

Cape Town comes out tops in Long Haul Holiday Report 2024Cape Town has reclaimed its position as the best-value long haul destination for British tourists, according to the 2024 Long Haul Holiday Report from Post Office.Every year, the Post Office Travel Money Long Haul Holiday Report highlights the top destinations where UK travellers can get the best value for their money.They researched 32 faraway destinations worldwide and compared the costs of common holiday items like a cup of coffee, a bottle of water, and a three-course meal for two to find out which destinations offer the best value for money.The Mother City was then found to be the best of the best, cost-wise.Cape Town, South Africa is now the top best-value destination surveyed. Thanks to falling local prices and a weaker South African rand, British holidaymakers are seeing costs drop by 12% compared to last year Post Office wrote.At £55.59, the cost of 10 tourist typical staples ` including meals and drinks ` in Cape Town has fallen to the level last seen when South Africa topped the chart in 2018. This comes at a time when British Airways has announced an expansion in flights to Cape Town. Post Office researchers found that the latest barometer basket for Cape Town is over 14 per cent lower than in last years best value destination Hoi An, Vietnam, which has fallen to third place after seeing prices rise by over 21 per cent to £64.80. Post Office said in their report.The 10 typical tourist staple items, included:    a cup of filter coffee    a 330ml bottle of local lager    a 330ml bottle of cola    a 175ml glass of wine    a cocktail    a small chocolate bar    a 1.5l bottle of supermarket mineral water    a 200ml bottle of suncream    a 50ml tube/bottle of insect repellent    a three-course evening meal for two adults including a bottle of house wine.The Top 10 best value long haul destinationsThe ten destinations that came out cheapest overall were as follows:RankDestination        Total cost1Cape Town, South Africa  £52.662Tokyo, Japan          £64.073Hoi An, Vietnam          £64.804Bali, Indonesia          £67.705Mombasa, Kenya          £68.536Delhi, India          £74.907Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt  £76.478Colombo, Sri Lanka  £78.149Santiago, Chile          £88.9210Montego Bay, Jamaica  £93.74

The Citizen tried Home Affairs services on wheels and found it to be disorganised. Residents have been using the mobile services provided by the Home Affairs trucks. Temperatures were soaring, with no chairs in sight and a long line ahead. This was the experience of a reporter when they lined up to try Home Affairs mobile services. The outreach programme sends trucks to areas to help make the departments services more accessible to residents who find it difficult to reach their offices. Earlier this year, President Cyril Ramaphosa addressed residents of Mahwelereng in Mokopane on these units. These kiosks should mean improved services in our communities. We are appealing to all officials of home affairs to work with speed every day, he said. They must ensure our people do not wait long in queues.But is this the case? Are residents receiving fast, quality service?The Citizens reporter shares her experience: One of The Citizens reporters went to a home affairs truck in Newtown, Johannesburg, recently and described it as hugely disorganised. I arrived at 9:30am and left at 3pm. There was a long queue and no officials standing outside to guide people, the reporter said. Nobody was allowed to approach the truck. You could only go inside if you had a form.She said that occasionally an official would come outside and hold out a stack of forms, to which those in the front of the line would swarm to get one before they ran out.The units have an appointment system in which individuals can book a time slot beforehand, however, the lack of organisation made this pointless. People who made appointments complained that they were supposed to be given forms according to their time slot but werent. The units have been structured to accommodate three people at a time and one cannot go inside without a form. This process did not appear to run seamlessly as many waited hours before they were able to go in. The trucks only let three people with forms in at a time, but we only saw movement every hour or so.Even with the wait time, no accommodations were made for those standing outside in the hot sun. There were no chairs outside for us who were waiting in the queue. There were pensioners there who had to stand in the line for hours.Besides the heat, the reporter also had to contend with suspected scammers trying to sell spaces in line. After her unsuccessful attempt, she went to the Roodepoort offices and was out after two hours. These grievances were raised with the department, which has not yet responded to The Citizen`s request. This will be included once received.What can you do at these Home Affairs mobile units? The department has a fleet of 220 units and on Friday took its services to Zola, Soweto. There, residents were able to apply for a smart ID, a passport, a birth certificate, a marriage certificate, or a death certificate. In the 2023/24 financial year, the Department registered a total of 900 258 births, of which 744 610 were registered within 30 days while 108 336 births were registered between 31 days to a year, said the department. 47 312 of these births remain unaccounted for. By bringing these units in, the department hopes to decrease this number by making attaining birth certificates easier. We are planning to take these mobile offices to schools so that learners who need the services dont have to take days off school, said Home Affairs.

The BMA has confirmed the new switch-over system, installed to expedite data capture and to prevent future disruptions. The glitches that recently interrupted the flow of international flights at the King Shaka International Airport (KSIA) in KwaZulu-Natal have been sorted out, according to Mmemme Mogotsi, the deputy assistant commissioner for communications and marketing at the Border Management Authority (BMA). A few days ago, international travellers were delayed by the airport’s malfunctioning biometric movement control system (BMCS) which reportedly processed a single flight in three hours. The BMCS was introduced in 2022 at some of the biggest airports in the country. Mogotsi said although the capturing of biometrics could be slow, the system yielded good results of a number of interceptions at most of the ports of entry.

Biometric systems installed: The BMA was notified of the situation last weekend. Please note that the BMCS system is a shared system, with the department of home affairs as a host. There is currently a transitional process for BMA to take over this system with the assistance of the South African Revenue Service (SARS). In the interim, and to address the issues of service delivery at King Shaka International Airport, a switchover system was installed to assist with the speed of capturing data on the biometric system, said Mogotsi.

Contacted for comment, Airports Company South Africa (Acsa) spokesperson Ernest Mulibana distanced his organisation from the crisis that unfolded and said they were not part of the people managing the biometric system at the airport. Acsa does not have biometrics at King Shaka yet. The current ones belong to the BMA, he said. It was not the first time the processing of passengers at KSIA had been delayed due to technical glitches.

Safety concerns remain: In August, passengers complained about long queues at the airport, allegedly caused by technological failures. At the time, Acsa released a statement saying the situation was being attended to by the department of home affairs and BMA. Recently, a 50-year-old man reportedly collapsed and died at the King Shaka International Airport. Mulibana confirmed the incidents and said a police investigation was underway to determine what happened. The two incidents raise questions about the safety measures at the country’s airports.

Many of those who sought work in South Africa have been deported back to a country in dire financial straitsCollins Kamoto was heading out for a drink with a friend on a Sunday evening in May in the small gold mining town of Nigel, south-east of Johannesburg, when they were stopped by the police and arrested.A month later, the 46-year-old, who had been in South Africa since March 2023, was charged with not having proper documentation. Then in September, after four months in jail, he was deported back to Malawi, part of what many of his compatriots believe is a renewed crackdown by South African authorities on immigrants working there illegally.My life is miserable, because even when I was working here it was not enough to help my family, Kamoto said in an interview in his home village of Kampala in Mulanje, a district bordering Mozambique in Malawis south-east.Kamoto, who has three children and one grandchild, left Malawi to look for work after losing his job and seeing friends in South Africa doing well. Life in South Africa turned out to be hard, he said. He lived in a metal-walled shack with no running water, doing occasional, difficult work feeding farm animals or working in fields, and was paid 100-350 rand (£4.35-£15.21) a day.But, even though he could go for days without a job, Kamoto said it had been worth it: When I went to South Africa, I was getting enough to support my relatives.South Africa has a history of importing migrant labour, especially to work in its mines. In recent years, poverty and political unrest have contributed to migration to the country.Collins Kamoto: When I went to South Africa, I was getting enough to support my relatives. There are about 2.4 million foreign-born people in South Africa out of a population of 62 million, according to the 2022 census, which aimed to count people regardless of immigration status. Almost half are Zimbabweans, followed by people from Mozambique and Lesotho, with just under 200,000 Malawians.However, the struggles of South Africans  more than four in 10 are out of work ` have fuelled xenophobia against other Africans, which has periodically erupted into anti-immigrant violence.In South Africa, you always look left and right and usually meet with the sound of sirens,Kamoto said, of his eventually unsuccessful attempts to evade police, which led to him being among 205 Malawians deported from South Africa in four bus-loads last month.South African police have been mounting roadblocks and searching shacks and blocks of flats where they suspect illegal immigrants are living, something that did not used to happen, said a Malawian in his 30s, who had been deported several times and did not want to be named. One video seen by the Guardian appeared to show four men hiding from authorities on a roof.In recent years, Malawi has faced a collapsing currency, soaring inflation and shortages of imported fuel, medicines and food. In 2022, 89% of Malawians said the country of 20 million was going in the wrong direction, according to the pan-African survey network Afrobarometer.The dire economic situation, lack of formal jobs and poverty  GDP per capita was just $645 in 2022  has pushed many people to leave. Remittances from Malawians working abroad have more than trebled in the last decade as a proportion of Malawi GDP, to 1.3%, according to World Bank data.Anecdotal evidence shows that there is an increase in irregular migration flows out of Malawi, said Ncube Nomagugu, the International Organisation for Migrations Malawi chief of mission.South Africa remains the preferred destination for most of these flows. We also do not have figures for Malawians being deported back but anecdotally there seems to be an increase driven by the evolving policy direction of the South African government on migration.From 2018 to 2022, South Africa deported about 20,000 people a year, after an increase above 135,000 in 2017. In the early 2000s, deportations never fell below 105,000 annually, and reached a high of more than 312,000 in 2007, according to government data.At a border post with Mozambique, a driver of one of the transport companies contracted by the South African government to ferry deportees back to Malawi said that they had been doing more trips in the last three months, sometimes weekly compared with one or two a month previously.South Africas home affairs minister, Leon Schreiber, said in July, just weeks after joining the cabinet after elections in May, that operations to crack down on illegal immigration would increase.South Africa is wide open for business, wide open for people who want to legally contribute with their skills through our visa system, he told journalists. But at the same time we are also going to be more strict in enforcing when there are violations of the law.Meanwhile, Kamoto has not been able to find work in Malawi and wants to return to South Africa: I cant survive with nothing to do.